Ser popular es malo cap 13

Pages: 12Next »

Dolphins are typically regarded as highly social animals. However, some individuals live apart from their own species and may come to socialize with people through a recognized series of stages which are presented and expanded on in this paper. The term ‘solitary-sociable dolphins’ has been used to describe these animals and such individuals have been identified from several different species and reported in many parts of the world. In many instances, the interactions with people that may follow their original isolation, and which typically become more intense over time, have created situations where the welfare of the animal has been compromised by disturbance, injury, the feeding of inappropriate items and aggressive human behavior. Several solitary-sociable dolphins have also been deliberately injured and killed by humans. People who interact with these dolphins may also put themselves at risk of injury. This paper reports on recent cases drawing on published and unpublished sources. Since 2008, 32 solitary dolphins have been recorded including 27 bottlenose dolphins (25 Tursiops truncatus and two Tursiops aduncus), two striped dolphins and three common dolphins. Four solitary belugas have also been recorded. There are some ten solitary dolphins and one beluga known at the present time. Laws and guidelines currently in place to protect solitary-sociable dolphins need to be strengthened and interactions with people should be avoided or, at the least, carefully managed to protect both the dolphin and the humans involved in the interaction. Terms such as disturbance and harassment which are included in laws need to be clearly defined. Additionally, management plans for solitary-sociable dolphins need to be developed and adapted on a case by case basis taking into account the individual dolphin's sex, age, personality, stage of sociability and home range. It is also important that government officials and local stakeholders work together to implement guidelines which set out how the public can observe or interact with the dolphin safely.

Completing the CAPTCHA proves you are a human and gives you temporary access to the web property.

Miles de miembros de Avaaz le han escrito a líderes electos popularmente como a Carlos Alvarado. Esta página contiene 1,659 mensajes escritos por miembros de 80 países al Presidente de Costa Rica. Los mensajes se presentan en ningún orden en particular, y sin editar. Se les pidió a las personas que escribieran cartas a los líderes mundiales después de firmar la

Since 2015, over 4.7 million Venezuelans have left their country and become part of the largest exodus in the history of Latin America (UNHCR, 2020a, p. 32), as well as the second-largest displacement of people in the world (Miller & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 4). Many of these individuals, facing violations of fundamental human rights, have left and continue to leave Venezuela as a result of the political turmoil, socio-economic instability, and ongoing humanitarian crisis in the country (International Organization for Migration (IOM), 2020, para. 1). The causes of the situation in Venezuela are multiple and controversial. Sources point to the nature of the regime, as well as to serious concerns about the involvement of the United States in the country (Venezuelan & Ausman, 2019). In the midst of economic and institutional collapse, there exists an extreme shortage of basic necessities such as food and medicine, while issues like widespread violence produce an atmosphere of fear and desperation (Miller & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 8). 

Given the viral dissemination of the video of the killing online, even those not directly involved in the violence against migrants expressed verbal outrage over the murder committed by a “foreigner” (Daniels, 2019, no pages; Donoso, 2020, p. 13). Many called for more immigration control, the closing of borders, and the deportation of “illegals” (Comite Permanente por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (CDH), 2020, para. 9). 

The Ecuadorian public’s xenophobia toward and discrimination against Venezuelans is also visible within specific sectors of society. Within the health sector, for example, there is sometimes discrimination against Venezuelan patients (IOM qtd. as cited in Teff, 2019, p. 21). Under Ecuadorian law, health care is free and accessible to all without regard to nationality or legal status (Teff, 2019, p. 21). However, there have been instances where Venezuelans have gone to a health center in which personnel either refuse to treat them or treat them with hostility because of where they are from (Personal Interview of Professor at University in Ecuador 1; Murfet and Baron, 2020, p. 21). Similarly, anti-migrant behavior has also been observed in the education sector. Venezuelan children have reported being verbally and physically bullied by their Ecuadorian peers simply for being Venezuelan (World Bank, 2020a, p. 130). Teachers and school administrators have also been found to engage in discriminatory or offensive behavior (Teff, 2019, p. 21). In one case reported to a school district in Quito, a teacher told her student on the first day of class that there were “too many Venezuelans” in Ecuador (Rosero and Mina, 2019, para. 9). Gabriela Malo, a migration specialist, also notes that teachers sometimes call students by their nationality instead of their name, which encourages xenophobic behavior from other children (Rosero and Mina, 2019, para. 10). 

There exist a series of potential causes of and contributing factors to the Ecuadorian public’s xenophobia toward and discrimination against Venezuelan migrants. Though I will seek to explain the causes in general, my analysis will draw most heavily from examples of discrimination in the housing and employment sectors.

Migration experts contend that media and government rhetoric are largely to blame (Personal Interview of Professor 2; Personal Interview of Professor 1). Indeed, the news sensationalizes crimes that involve Venezuelans (Ramirez et al., 2019, p. 23; Personal Interview of Professor 2). Similarly, when a crime is committed by a Venezuelan, his or her nationality is often emphasized—both by journalistic outlets and State actors (Personal Interview of Professor 2; Personal Interview of Professor 1). For example, coverage of the femicide of Diana Reyes focused heavily on the country of origin of the offender (Donoso, 2020, p. 13). Headlines such as “Venezuelan Perpetrator of Femicide in Ibarra” (El Universo, 2019) contribute to the association of the “nationality of the perpetrator” with “criminality in general” (Pugh & Moya, 2020, p. 6). Similarly, on January 20, Ecuadorian President Lenin Moreno tweeted in response to the incident, “Ecuador is and will be a country of peace. I will not allow any antisocial elements to destroy that…I have authorized the immediate formation of brigades to control the legal situation of Venezuelan immigrants in the streets, in the workplace and on the border” (Brown, 2019, figure 2).

Another issue observed in news coverage is an emphasis on the large number of Venezuelans coming into Ecuador. Headlines such as “Association of Venezuelans in Ecuador 

To begin, the entry barriers imposed by Lenin Moreno’s government, particularly since 2019, play a significant role. For example, in response to Diana Reyes’ femicide, aside from issuing the aforementioned tweet, Moreno decided to impose stricter barriers for the entry of Venezuelans into the country. As of January 26, 2019, Venezuelans would have to present an apostilled criminal record and official ID cards to be allowed entry (Donoso, 2020, p. 13). Then in July of 2019, the government announced that it would require a “humanitarian visa” for entry starting August 26, which would cost $50 and demand a valid passport, as well as an apostilled criminal record from Venezuela (Selee and Bolter, 2020, p. 10). According to a human mobility specialist and professor at another university in Ecuador, these measures “single out” Venezuelan migrants and encourage prejudiced sentiments or discrimination from the public (Personal Interview of Professor 1). Indeed, such “securitization mechanisms” reinforce the perception that Venezuelans are potentially dangerous and that their entry should be limited.

Without legal status, migrants are especially vulnerable to xenophobic sentiments and discrimination from the public. Venezuelans who are undocumented are not legally permitted to work, so they have little choice but to labor without a formal contract. Consequentially, it becomes much easier for Ecuadorian employers to exploit them by requiring longer hours than Ecuadorian nationals for little to no pay (Personal Interview of Professor 1). Some Venezuelans have reported being told by employers that they “don’t deserve” more because they are “immigrants” (Quintero, 2018, p. 66). This in turn fuels the aforementioned stereotype that migrants take jobs away from natives because they accept lower wages. Importantly, once a migrant begins to work in Ecuador, domestic law and international treaty obligations require the State to give the migrant basic labor rights, regardless of legal status (van Teijlingen, 2011, p. 10). In other words, once Venezuelans begin working, they have access to Labor Inspectors and the courts to demand rights such as back pay, remuneration for unjust firings, social security, and other benefits (van Teijlingen, 2011, p. 10).

You may also like...